Bulletin N° 273
Subject : ON "PARADISE LOST".
25 November 2006
Grenoble, France
Dear Colleagues and Friends of CEIMSA,
Recent investigations into cultural history and specifically into religious
ideologies and other forms of literal thinking on spiritual and
political matters in America, have led me to concepts taken from split-brain
theory .
According to recent brain research and the tenets of split-brain
theory, the right hemisphere of the human brain is the environment
--it is the center of intuitive, holistic, synthesizing, spatial,
emotional, impulsive, imaginative, sensuous, pre-verbal, passive, and
depressive functions of the brain-- while the left hemisphere serves as
the super-efficient computer, demonstrating its expert skills in
linear, logical, analytical, propositional, intellectual, verbal,
active, historical, and euphoric functions of the brain. (Wilden, 1987,
pp. 235-237) Our right brain, researchers tell us, is an environment of
more relaxed holistic analog functions (capable of recognizing
patterns, of understanding analogies, of thinking in terms of
continuity, of infinitely delicate shadings-off of everything into
something else, of the overlapping of essences and registering
distinctions like "more-and-less" and integrating "both/and"
functions). It absorbs the general context to look for meaning and
enables us to laugh and weep. Our left brain, on the other hand, is a
center of tense, literal-minded activities evincing the habit of
thinking in discrete, well-defined classifications: it is analytical
and has trouble recognizing patterns and nuances, and, because it is
essentially a digital computer, it excels in its capacity to take
step-by-step approaches to familiar problems, and solving them by using
established methods. It divides its world into "either/or" and
"true-or-false," and it uses tactics to look for stratecgic
significance, rather than for discovering new meanings. It has no sense
of humor, nor has it a sense of pathos. (Wilden,
1987, pp.222-242)
Human anatomy permits the two hemispheres to communicate, under normal
conditions, via a large bundle of nerve fibers called the corpus
callosum, which becomes activated around the age of 2 and does not
become fully formed until about age 10. Split-Brain Theory tells us
that this integration of the two sides of the brain allows visions and
the recognition of new contexts (right brain activities) to inform our
calculations and verbal behaviors (left brain activities). Used
together the two hemispheres of the brain can complement one another,
combining analogic and digital coding (the recognition
of both continuity and discontinuity) to produce a third type of mental
activity which has been labeled iconic coding, which is a form
of both continuous and discrete communication.
Organic damage or cultural taboos can impede the integration of the two
cerebral hemispheres. For example severing the corpus callosum to
relieve epileptic seizures has resulted in the modification of
perceptions and speech patterns in patients, as their natural mental
functions shift to either left or right hemisphere
activities.
Artistic expressions from the past occasionally offer us a glimpse into
the mental operations of our ancestors. Careful examination of the
methods used to make neolithic tools and objects of art, for example,
reveal that these prehistoric practitioners were apparently all
right-handed, and the writing the Code of Hammurabi (from the 17th
century B.C.) engraved on the black diorite stela found at Susa in
Iran, was most likely the work of right-handed scribes. (Today, by
contrast, it is estimated that between 8
and 15 percent of the world population is left -handed.)
Other evidence of left-brain dominance can be seen in the ancient
Judeo-Christian literature of the "Old Testament" from the King James
Version of The Holy Bible. Abraham, who is reported to have
been a close friend of the Babylonian King Hammurabi, back in the small
city-state of Ur, where they both grew up about 4000 years ago (it is
even suggested that he once saved this king's life) was a
non-conformist. In a culture predominantly polytheistic, the young
Abraham, it is written, believed in only one god, and this led to
considerable stress, which prompted him to leave the area and migrate
with a group of like-minded people first to Haran, then to the less
populated region of Canaan,
located several hundred miles west of Ur. On the way, according to the Book
of Genesis (in Chapter
22: 1-18), he heard the voice of his god instructing him to sacrifice
his son, Isaac --an act which he dutifully prepared to preform :
- And it came to pass after
these
- things, that God did tempt
Abraham,
- and said unto him,
Abraham:
- and he said, Behold, here
I am.
- Ands he said, Take now thy
son,
- thine only son Isaac, whom
thou lovest,
- and get thee into the land
of Mo-ri-ah;
- and offer him there for a
burnt
- offering upon one of the
mountains
- which I will tell thee of.
- And Abraham rose up early
in the
- morning, and saddled his
ass, and took
- two of his young men with
him, and
- Isaac his son, and clave
the wood for
- the burnt offering, and
rose up, and
- went unto the place of
which God had
- told him.
- Then on the third day
Abraham
- lifted up his eyes, and
saw the place
- afar off.
- And Abraham said unto his
young
- men, Abide ye here with
the ass; and
- I and the lad will go
yonder and worship,
- and come again to you.
- And Abraham took the wood
of
- the burnt offering, and
laid it upon
- Isaac his son; and he took
the fire in
- his hand, and a knife; and
they went
- both of them together.
- And Isaac spake unto
Abraham
- his father, and said, My
father: and he
- said, Here am I, my son.
And he said,
- Behold the fire and the
wood: but
- where is the lamb for a
burnt offering?
- And Abraham said, My son,
God
- will provide himself a
lamb for a burnt
- offering: so they went
both of them
- together.
- And they came to the place
which
- God had told him of; and
Abraham
- built an alter there, and
laid the wood
- in order, and bound Isaac
his son, and
- laid him on the altar upon
the wood.
- And Abraham stretched
forth
- his hand, and took the
knife to slay
- his son.
- And the angel of the Lord
called
- unto him out of heaven,
and said,
- Abraham, Abraham: and he
said,
- Here am I.
- And he said, Lay not thine
hand
- upon the lad, neither do
thou any
- thing unto him: for now I
know that
- thou fearest God, seeing
thou has not
- withheld thy son, thine
only son from
- me.
- And Abraham lifted up his
eyes,
- and looked, l and behold
behind him a
- ram caught in the thicket
by his horns:
- and Abraham went and took
the ram,
- and offered him up for a
burnt offering
- in the stead of his son.
- And Abraham called the
name
- of that Place Je-ho-vah-ji-reh:
as it is
- said to this day, In the
mount of the
- Lord it shall be seen.
- And the angel of the Lord
called
- unto Abraham out of heaven
the
- second time,
- And said, By myself have I
- sworn, saith the Lord, for
because
- thou hast done this thing,
and hast not
- withheld thy son, thine
only son:
- That in blessing I will
bless thee,
- and in multiplying I will
multiply thy
- seed as the stars of the
heaven, and as
- the sand which is upon the
sea shore;
- and they seed shall posses
the gate of
- his enemies;
- And in thy seed shall all
the nations
- of the earth be blessed;
because
- thou hast obeyed my voice.
Here the left-brain function of literal-minded obedience to
the logical significance of the command of an imaginary authority
has totally subordinated right-brain functions, such as the sentient
recognition of meaning from a real context, expressing deep
emotions and appreciating ambiguities.
At the end of the 40-year period of "wandering in the
wilderness," which
had produced the "Ten Commandments" (Exodus, Chapter 20, perhaps
the most familiar left-brain text in the Judeo-Christian
culture) and at the time of Moses' Farewell, prior to the conquest of
Canaan (around the 13th century B.C.), the story of Abraham's God, now
called Jehovah by the Hebrews, is revisited in the Book of
Deuteronomy (meaning "Repetition of the Law") Chapter 6: 10-15 :
- And it shall be, when the Lord
- they God shall have brought thee
into
- the land which he sware unto thy
- fathers, to Abraham, to Isaac,
and
- to Jacob, to give thee great and
- goodly cities, which thou
buildedest
- not,
- And houses full of all good
things,
- which thou filledst not, and
wells
- gigged, which thou diggedst not,
vineyards
- and olive trees, which thou
- plantedst not; when thou shalt
have
- eaten and be full;
- Then beware lest thou forget the
- Lord, which brought thee forth
out of
- the land of Egypt, from the
house of
- bondage.
- Thou shalt fear the Lord thy
- God, and serve him, and shalt
swear
- by his name.
- Ye shall not go after other
gods,
- of the gods of the people which
are
- round about you;
- (For the Lord they God is a
jealous
- God among you) lest the anger of
- the Lord thy God be kindled
against
- thee, and destroy thee from off
the
- face of the earth.
And Deuteronomy, Chapter 7:
1-6 :
- When the Lord thy God shall
- bring thee into the land whither
- thou goest to possess it, and
hath cast
- out many nations before thee,
the Hittites,
- and the Gir-ga-shites,
and the
- Amorites, and the Canaanites,
and the
- Per-iz-zites, and the Hi-vites,
and the
- Jeb-u-sites, seven
nations greater and mightier than thou;
- And when the Lord thy God shall
- deliver them before thee; thou
shalt
- smite them, and utterly destroy
them;
- thou shalt make no covenant with
- them, nor shew mercy unto them:
- Neither shalt thou make
marriages
- with them;thy daughter thou
- shalt not give unto his son, nor
his
- daughter shalt thou take unto
thy son.
- For they will turn away thy son
- from following me, that they may
- serve other gods: so will the
anger of
- the Lord be kindled against you,
and
- destroy thee suddenly.
- But thus shall ye deal with
them;
- ye shall destroy their altars,
and break
- down their images, and cut down
their
- groves, and burn their graven
images
- with fire.
- For thou art an holy people unto
- the Lord thy God: the Lord thy
God
- hath chosen thee to be a special
people
- unto himself, above all people
that are
- upon the face of the earth.
Likewise in Islamic culture, the Koran (written around 650
A.D.) produces evidence of left-brain "either/or" dominance prevailing
over right-brain recognition of continuity and new contexts. It
explicitly endorses tactics necessary to control the environment and
satisfy the commands of another jealous God, Allah :
Chapter 35, "The Creator" (translated by N. J. Dawood) :
- In the Name of Allah, the
Compassionate, the Merciful. . .
- As for the unbelievers, the fire
of Hell awaits them. Death shall not deliver them,
- nor shall its torments be ever
lightened for them. They shall the thankless be rewarded.
- There they will cry out: "Lord,
remove us hence! We will live a good life and will not
- do as we have done." But He will
answer: "Did We not make your lives long enough
- for any one who would be warned
to take warning? Besides, Our apostle did come to
- you; taste then the torment of
Hell. None shall help the wrongdoers."
- Allah knows the mysteries of
heaven and earth. He knows the hidden thoughts of men.
- It is He who has given you the
earth to inherit. He that denies Him shall bear the burden
- of his unbelief. In denying Him
the unbelievers earn nothing but odium in the sight of Allah;
- their unbelief gets them nothing
but perdition.
Or again from Chapter 66, "Prohibition"
- In the Name of Allah, the
Compassionate, the Merciful. . .
- Prophet, make war on the
unbelievers and the hypocrites and deal sternly with them. Hell
- shall be their home, evil their
fate.
- Allah has set an example to the
unbelievers in the wife of Noah and the wife of Lot. They
- were married to two of Our
righteous servants and deceived them. Their husbands could
- not protect them from Allah. The
angels said to them: "Enter the Fire, together with those
- that shall enter it."
- But to the faithful Allah has
set an example in Pharaoh's wife, who said: "Lord, build be a
- house with You in Paradise and
deliver me from Pharaoh and his misdeeds. Deliver me from
- a wicked nation."
Our research center continues to receive articles and essays on
contemporary developments in American institutions and social
movements. Before introducing the eight items below, we invite you to
join us in a brief visit to Paradise Lost, in which John Milton
wrote some 350 years ago the following description of the human
condition:
-
PARADISE LOST
-
-
Farewell happy
fields
- Where joy for ever
dwells: hail horrors, hail
- Infernal world, and thou
profoundest hell
- Receive thy new
possessor: one who brings
- A mind not to be changed
by place or time.
- The mind is its own
place, and in itself
- Can make a heav'n of
hell, a hell of heav'n.
- What matter where, if I
be still the same,
- And what I should be, all
but less than he
- Whom thunder hath made
greater? Here at least
- We shall be free; th'
Almighty hath not built
- Here for his envy, will
not drive us hence:
- Here we may reign secure,
and in my choice
- To reign is worth
ambition though in hell:
- Better to reign in hell,
than serve in heav'n.
- But wherefore let we then
our faithful friends,
- Th' associates and
copartners of our loss
- Lie thus astonished on
th' oblivious pool,
- And call them not to
share with us their part
- In this unhappy mansion,
or once more
- With rallied arms to try
what may be yet
- Regained in heav'n, or
what more lost in hell?
(from
Book I, verses 250-263)
Item A. is an article sent to us
by Professor Edward Herman on the vicious attacks on
European pacifists by Israeli imperialists in Palestine.
Item B. is an autobiographical
essay written in the 1980s by former Zionist Tony Cliff explaining
the Zionist mentality and its early origins in Palestine.
Item C. is a report on more of the
same, from Grenoble graduate student Frédérick
Méni, on the banality of murder and violence in an area
all but forgotten by world "leaders": the orient where, in General
Westmoreland's immortal words, "human life is very cheap and
plentiful."
Item D. is a description by Amy
Goodman of Donald Rumsfeld's recent associations with slavery
and torture.
Item E. is an article by Gabriel
Kolko on the lessons from Iraq and Lebanon.
Item F. is an article by Robert
Fisk on the destabilization of Lebanon.
Item G. is a written and video
report from BBC-London on claims that the CIA was
directly involved in the assassination of U.S. presidential candidate
Robert Kennedy in June 1968.
And, finally, item H. is an
article by Robert Fisk submitting observations on
Lebanon which would be useful in the development of a dependency theory
analysis of our own neo-imperial era.
As in the past, we are honored to share with our readers another
exclusive report from William Blum,
author of the Anti-Empire
Report, November 24, 2006 :
Sincerely,
Francis McCollum Feeley
Professor of American Studies
Director of Research
Université Stendhal Grenoble 3
http ://dimension.ucsd.edu/CEIMSA-IN-EXILE/
_____________________
A.
from Edward Herman :
Subject: hebron-day-06
21 November 2006
Francis,
My apologies for the gruesomeness of this mailing, but I send along
only a tiny fraction of the gruesome flowing through the web, most of
it much more
painful than the item here. We are dealing with a terror state
out-of-control, or rather failing to deal with it.
Ed
_____________
B.
from Francis Feeley :
22 November 2006
The Socialist
Worker
[THE ISRAELI state is engaged in brutal violence against the
Palestinian population and has killed hundreds of Palestinians over the
past few months. In 1982 revolutionary socialist Tony Cliff, who died a
year ago this month, wrote this explanation of why Israel acts in this
way. He was writing just after Israel had invaded Lebanon and carried
out massacres of both Lebanese and refugee Palestinians.]
L
OOKING BACK on my own experience in Palestine I can see how today’s
horror grew from small beginnings. Zionism, Jewish separateness and the
belief in a Jewish homeland, have developed into state violence. My
parents were pioneering Zionists, leaving Russia for Palestine in 1902
to join a total Zionist population of a few thousand.
I grew up a Zionist, but Zionism didn’t have the ugly face we see
today. However, there was always a fundamental crack between the
Zionists and the Arabs. This same crack split Zionists from ordinary
people in their countries of origin.
If you look to 19th century Russia it’s clear. In 1891 Tsar Alexander
II was assassinated. The next year Russia’s extreme right organised a
pogrom against the Jews. “Kill a Jew and save Russia,” they said.
Socialists reacted by calling for unity in fighting Tsarism and the
right. But there was a second reaction-Zionism. The Zionists argued,
“Jews can’t rely on anyone but ourselves,” and the first of them left
Russia for Palestine. Each further pogrom produced the same two
reactions. Some joined the general revolutionary movement – others
chose separation.
When the Zionists came to Palestine they continued to emphasiwe their
separateness. Zionists took over Arab land, often evicting the
occupiers. And the Zionists systematically discriminated against the
thousands of Arab unemployed. Although Arabs were at least 80 percent
of the population, not one came to my school.
My parents were extreme Zionists, and my father told me, “The only way
to look at an Arab is through the sight of a gun.” I never shared a
house with an Arab.
THE ZIONISTS organized their own trade union, the Histadrut, which
raised two political funds. One was called “the defence of Hebrew
Labour”, the other “the defence of Hebrew products”. These funds were
used to organize pickets to prevent Arabs working in Jewish enterprises
and to stop Arab produce coming into Jewish markets. They did nothing
to damage Zionist businesses.
In 1944 we lived near Tel Aviv market. One morning my wife saw a young
man go around talking to all the women selling produce. Some he left
alone, but others had paraffin poured on the vegetables and their eggs
smashed. My wife, who had just come from South Africa, couldn’t believe
it. “What's going on?” she asked.
It was simple. The man checked if the produce was Hebrew or Arab, and
destroyed Arab produce. Now, this behaviour was still on a small scale
and some Zionists were still talking like left wingers. Zionist
publishers printed Lenin and Trotsky, for example.
But the antagonism to the Arabs remained central. No Arab ever entered
the kibbutz movement, the so called “socialist” collective farms. The
majority of Jewish-owned land belonged to the Jewish National Fund,
whose constitution forbade Arab tenants. This meant in whole areas the
original Arab populations were driven out.
When I left Palestine in 1946 Tel Aviv, a city of 300,000, had
absolutely no Arab residents. Imagine arriving in Nottingham, a similar
sized town to Tel Aviv, and finding no English people.
There was obviously enmity between the Zionists and the Arabs. The
Zionists – a minority not trusting the majority – needed support and
always looked to the imperialist powers that controlled Palestine for
help. This was low key at first. Zionist leaders repeatedly told German
rulers it would be in their interests if Zionism flourished in
Palestine.
When Britain occupied Palestine in 1917, the Zionist leaders wrote to
the Tory foreign minister Balfour explaining it was in Britain’s
interests to have a strong Zionist presence in Palestine. And during
the Second World War, as it became clear America was the main
imperialist power, particularly in the Middle East, Zionist leaders
switched their focus to Washington.
The Zionists, if not for sale, were always for hire. The logic of
Zionism, separatism from the Gentile population, whether in Russia,
Poland or Palestine, led to this dependence on imperialism. Nazism and
its rise were important. German big business didn’t support Hitler from
fear of the Jews, but from fear of the German working class. Both the
Jews and German workers were Hitler’s victims.
The key for revolutionary socialists should have been organizing
working class struggle against the Nazis. The Zionist objected. “The
Jews are Hitler’s victims,” they said, and by implication all Germans
are enemies of the Jews.
When the German workers were defeated in 1933 without a mass struggle
against Hitler, Zionism was immensely strengthened. Once a movement has
a certain momentum it can’t be stopped unless there is a new movement
on a much bigger scale. If the Jews couldn’t trust the Germans, it was
natural for them to see a strong Zionist state as the only answer
Back in Palestine Zionist outrages were developing. The state of
Israel, declared in 1948, was accomplished by a terror campaign which
drove hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes. The state
was born with the “limited” massacre of 240 civilians in the village of
Deir Yassin.
Men, women and children were slaughtered, some thrown alive down the
village well. It was a place I knew well, just a few miles from my
home. The Arabs aren’t the only ones to pay since then. Israel’s
constant search for allies has made it increasingly a supplier of
military equipment to the world's most reactionary regimes.
Moshe Dayan, Israel’s defence minister, spent two months in South
Vietnam in 1966 advising the American puppet government. Israel
supplied arms to Chile, to Ian Smith’s Rhodesia, and to all the
countries upon which US president Carter placed an arms embargo for
human rights violations.
Israel’s security police advised the Shah of Iran, while its scientists
developed nuclear weapons with South Africa. Some people argue
oppression always leads to progress. The Jews were horribly oppressed
but it didn’t guarantee they became progressive or revolutionary.
Indeed, oppression associated with lack of power leads to reaction.
When the core of Zionism meant separation from all progressive forces,
from the revolutionary forces in Russia to the anti-imperialist forces
in the Middle East, the rest of the tale followed naturally.
Now Israel is collaborating with the Phalangists in Lebanon, an openly
fascist organization. I’m not surprised. I remember the 1930s when
Begin’s (now Israel’s prime minister) organization, the Irgun, used the
Hitler salute and wore the brown shirts.
In 1935 I would never have believed Zionists would murder civilians –
they discriminated against the Arabs, that’s all. But in today’s harsh
world any crack expands and the crack of Jewish separateness leads to
the horrors we’ve seen in Lebanon. Those monstrosities are the logic of
Zionism. Indeed, I fear we’ll see much worse from the Zionists in the
future.
The workers have a solution
THE ARAB working class is the only power in the Middle East
which can stop Zionism and smash imperialism. The existing state can’t
do it. The king of Saudi Arabia collaborates completely with America
because of oil interests.
The Assad regime in Syria is corrupt and unstable, depending on Saudi
Arabian subsidies, while the Egyptian regime rests on millions of
impoverished workers and peasants. Millions of workers live in shanty
towns and millions of peasants suffer terrible diseases because they
lack even basic amenities of sanitation and fresh water.
These regimes can’t fight anything – let alone Zionism and imperialism.
The Palestine Liberation Organisation depends on Saudi Arabian money
and Syria for physical survival. All the bravery of the PLO guerillas
can only lead to an impasse. Arab workers are the key. The Egyptian
working class is at least the size of Russia’s working class in 1917.
These workers have the power to change the Middle East.
___________________
C.
from Fred Méni :
22 November 2006
Euro-Palestine
L’ESCALADE DE LA VIOLENCE ORGANISÉE
PAR ISRAEL SE POURSUIT
SANS QUE NOS GOUVERNANTS N’INTERVIENNENT
_________________
D.
from Democracy Now :
22 November 2006
The
Seattle PI
Rumsfeld and a mountain of
misery
by Amy Goodman
Frederick Douglass, the renowned abolitionist, began life as a
slave on Maryland's Eastern Shore. When his owner had trouble with the
young, unruly slave, Douglass was sent to Edward Covey, a notorious
"slave breaker." Covey's plantation, where physical and psychological
torture were standard, was called Mount Misery. Douglass eventually
fought back, escaped to the North and went on to change the world.
Today Mount Misery is owned by Donald Rumsfeld, the outgoing secretary
of defense.
It is ironic that this notorious plantation run by a practiced torturer
would now be owned by Rumsfeld, himself accused as the man principally
responsible for the U.S. military's program of torture and detention.
Rumsfeld was recently named along with 11 other high-ranking U.S.
officials in a criminal complaint filed in Germany by the New
York-based Center for Constitutional Rights. The center is requesting
that the German government conduct an investigation and ultimately a
criminal prosecution of Rumsfeld and company. CCR President Michael
Ratner says U.S. policy authorizing "harsh interrogation techniques" is
in fact a torture program that Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld authorized
himself, passed down through the chain of command and was implemented
by one of the other defendants, Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller.
The complaint represents victims of torture at Abu Ghraib prison, the
U.S. prison at Guantanamo. Says Ratner, "I think it is important to
make it very clear that CCR's suit is not just saying Rumsfeld is a war
criminal because he tops the chain of command, but that he personally
played a central role in one of the worst interrogations at Gitmo."
Ratner is referring to Saudi citizen Mohammed al-Qahtani. An internal
military report as well as leaked interrogation logs show how the
Guantanamo prisoner was systematically tortured.
His attorney, CCR's Gita Gutierrez, described his ordeal on my TV/radio
news hour Democracy Now!: "He was subjected to approximately 160 days
of isolation, 48 days of sleep deprivation, which was accompanied by 20
hourlong interrogations consecutively. During that period of time, he
was also subjected to sexual humiliation, euphemistically called
'invasion of space by a female' at times when MPs would hold him down
on the floor and female interrogators would straddle him and molest
him."
Gutierrez added, "At one point in Guantanamo, his heart rate dropped so
low that he was at risk of dying and was rushed to the military
hospital there and revived, then sent back to interrogations the
following day and was actually interrogated in the ambulance on the way
back to his cell."
The complaint follows one filed in 2004, which was dismissed. The 2006
complaint differs principally with Rumsfeld's departure as secretary of
defense. Without the immunity of government office shielding him,
Rumsfeld now falls under the jurisdiction of the German courts. Germany
is among several nations that employ the concept of universal
jurisdiction, which states that crimes against humanity or war crimes
can be prosecuted by a state (such as Germany) regardless of the
jurisdiction where the crimes were committed or the nationality of the
accused. If an indictment follows, then Rumsfeld will have to be very
careful when traveling abroad, as are former Chilean dictator Augusto
Pinochet and former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.
Torture is a noxious, heinous practice and should not be tolerated.
Slavery was once legal and tolerated in the U.S. (it is still practiced
in some parts of the world). But people fought back, organized and
formed the abolition movement. Pioneering legal and human-rights
organizations, such as CCR, aggressively and creatively are working to
stop torture, and to hold the torturers and their superiors
accountable. Ultimately, it will be the U.S. populace -- not the German
courts, not the U.S. Congress -- that stops the U.S. torture program.
Frederick Douglass summed it up most eloquently -- in 1849:
"If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to
favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation, are men who want crops
without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and
lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many
waters. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it
never will."
The owner of Mount Misery should take heed.
_____________
Amy Goodman hosts the radio news program "Democracy Now!" Distributed
by King Features Syndicate.
______________
E
from Gabriel Kolko :
25 August 2006
Japanese
Focus
The Great Equalizer. Lessons
From Iraq and Lebanon
by Gabriel Kolko
The
United States had a monopoly of nuclear weaponry only a few years
before other nations challenged it, but from 1949 until roughly the
1990s deterrence theory workednations knew that if they used the
awesome bomb they were likely to be devastated in the riposte. Despite
such examples of brinkmanship as the Cuban missile crisis and numerous
threats of nuclear annihilation against non-nuclear powers, by and
large the few nations that possessed the bomb concluded that nuclear
war was not worth its horrendous risks. Today, by contrast, weapons of
mass destruction or precision and power are within the capacity of
dozens of nations either to produce or purchase. With the multiplicity
of weapons now available, deterrence theory is increasingly irrelevant
and the equations of military power that existed in the period after
World War Two no longer hold.
This process began in Korea after 1950, where the war ended in a stand
off despite the nominal vast superiority of America’s military power,
and the Pentagon discovered that great space combined with guerrilla
warfare was more than a match for it in Vietnam, where the U.S. was
defeated. Both wars caused the American military and establishment
strategists to reflect on the limits of high tech warfare, and for a
time it seemed as if appropriate lessons would be learned and costly
errors not repeated.
The conclusion drawn from these major wars should have been that there
were decisive limits to American military and political power, and that
the U. S. should drastically tailor its foreign policy and cease
intervening anywhere it chose to. In short, it was necessary to accept
the fact that it could not guide the world as it wished to. But such a
conclusion, justified by experience, was far too radical for either
party to fully embrace, and defense contractors never ceased promising
the ultimate new weapon. America’s leaders and military establishment
in the wake of 9/11 argued that technology would rescue it from more
political failures. But such illusionsfed by the technological
fetishism which is the hallmark of their civilizationled to the
Iraq debacle.
There has now been a qualitative leap in technology that makes all
inherited conventional wisdom, and war as an instrument of political
policy, utterly irrelevant, not just to the U.S. but to any other
nation that embarks upon it.
Technology is now moving much faster than the diplomatic and political
resources or will to control its inevitable consequencesnot to
mention traditional strategic theories. Hezbollah has far better and
more lethal rockets than it had a few years ago, and American experts
believe that the Iranians compelled them to keep in reserve the far
more powerful and longer range cruise missiles they already possess.
Iran itself possesses large quantities of these missiles and American
experts believe they may very well be capable of destroying aircraft
carrier battle groups. All attempts to devise defenses against these
rockets, even the most primitive, have been expensive failures, and
anti-missile technology everywhere has remained, after decades of
effort and billions of dollars, unreliable. [1]
Even more ominous, the U. S. Army has just released a report that light
water reactors--which 25 nations, from Armenia to Slovenia as well as
Spain, already have and are covered by no existing arms control
treatiescan be used to obtain near weapons-grade plutonium easily
and cheaply. [2] Within a few years, many more countries than the
present ten or sothe Army study thinks Saudi Arabia and even Egypt
most likely--will have nuclear bombs and far more destructive and
accurate rockets and missiles. Weapons-poor fighters will have far more
sophisticated guerilla tactics as well as far more lethal equipment,
which deprives the heavily equipped and armed nations of the advantages
of their overwhelming firepower, as demonstrated in Afghanistan and
Iraq. The battle between a few thousand Hezbullah fighters and a
massive, ultra-modern Israeli army backed and financed by the U.S.
proves this. Among many things, the war in Lebanon is a window of the
future. The outcome suggests that either the Israelis cease their
policy of destruction and intimidation, and accept the political
prerequisites of peace with the Arab world, or they too will eventually
be devastated by cheaper and more accurate missiles and nuclear weapons
in the hands of at least two Arab nations and Iran.
What is now occurring in the Middle East reveals lessons just as
relevant in the future to festering problems in East Asia, Latin
America, Africa and elsewhere. Access to nuclear weapons, cheap
missiles of greater portability and accuracy, and the inherent limits
of all antimissile systems, will set the context for whatever crises
arise in North Korea, Iran, Taiwan…or Venezuela. Trends which increase
the limits of technology in warfare are not only applicable to
relations between nations but also to groups within themranging
from small conspiratorial entities up the scale of size to large
guerilla movements. The events in the Middle East have proven that
warfare has changed dramatically everywhere, and American hegemony can
now be successfully challenged throughout the globe.
Iranian Missile Exercise
American power has been dependent to a large extent on its highly
mobile navy. But ships are increasingly vulnerable to missiles, and
while they are a long way from finished they are more-and-more
circumscribed tactically and, ultimately, strategically. There is a
greater balance-of-power militarily, the reemergence of a kind of
deterrence that means all future wars will be increasingly protracted,
expensiveand very costly politically to politicians who blunder
into wars with illusions they will be short and decisive. Olmert and
Peretz are very likely to lose power in Israel, and destroying Lebanon
will not save their political futures. This too is a message not likely
to be lost on politicians.
To this extent, what is emerging is a new era of more equal rivals.
Enforceable universal disarmament of every kind of weapon would be far
preferable. But short of this presently unattainable goal, this
emergence of a new equivalency is a vital factor leading less to peace
in the real meaning of that term than perhaps to greater prudence. Such
restraint could be an important factor leading to less war.
We live with 21st century technology and also with primitive political
attitudes, nationalisms of assorted sorts, and cults of heroism and
irrationality existing across the political spectrum and the power
spectrum. The world will destroy itself unless it realistically
confronts the new technological equations. Israel must now accept this
reality, and if it does not develop the political skills required to
make serious compromises, this new equation warrants that it will be
liquidated even as it rains destruction on its enemies.
This is the message of the conflicts in Gaza, the West Bank, and
Lebanonto use only the examples in today’s papers. Walls are no
longer protection for the Israelisone shoots over them. Their
much-vaunted Merkava tanks have proven highly vulnerable to new weapons
that are becoming more and more common and are soon likely to be in
Palestinian hands as well. At least 20 of the tanks were seriously
damaged or destroyed.
Israeli missiles target Beirut
The U.S. war in Iraq is a political disaster against the
guerrillasa half trillion dollars spent there and in Afghanistan
have left America on the verge of defeat in both places. The “shock and
awe” military strategy has utterly failed save to produce contracts for
weapons makersindeed, it has also contributed heavily to de facto
U.S. economic bankruptcy.
The Bush Administration has deeply alienated more of America’s nominal
allies than any government in modern times. The Iraq war and subsequent
conflict in Lebanon have left its Middle East policy in shambles and
made Iranian strategic predominance even more likely, all of which was
predicted before the Iraq invasion. Its coalitions, as Thomas Ricks
shows in his wordy but utterly convincing and critical book, Fiasco:
The American Military Adventure in Iraq, are finished. Its sublime
confidence and reliance on the power of its awesome weaponry is a
crucial cause of its failure, although we cannot minimize its
preemptory hubris and nationalist myopia. The United States, whose
costliest political and military adventures since 1950 have ended in
failure, now must face the fact that the technology for confronting its
power is rapidly becoming widespread and cheap. It is within the reach
of not merely states but of relatively small groups of people.
Destructive power is now virtually “democratized.” [3}
If the challenges of producing a realistic concept of the world that
confronts the mounting dangers and limits of military technology
seriously are not resolved soon, recognizing that a decisive equality
of military power is today in the process of being re-imposed, there is
nothing more than wars and mankind’s eventual destruction to look
forward to.
[1] Mark Williams, “The Missiles of August: The Lebanon War and the
democratization of missile technology,” Technology Review {MIT}, August
16, 2006.
[2] Henry Sokolski, ed., Taming the Next Set of Strategic Weapons
Threats, U.S. Army Strategic Studies Institute, June 2006, pp. 33ff.,
86.
[3] For another compelling dimension of the more level playing field in
battlefield communications, see Iason Athanasiadis, "How hi-tech
Hezbollah called the shots," Asia
Times, September 9, 2006.
____________
Gabriel Kolko is the leading historian of modern warfare. His latest
book is The
Age of War. He wrote this article for Japan Focus. Posted at Japan
Focus on August 25, 2006; updated September 9, 2006.
________________
F.
from Robert Fisk :
22 November 2006
The
Independent
Civil war In Lebanon
by Robert Fisk in Beirut
Civil
war - the words on all our lips yesterday. Pierre Gemayel's murder - in
broad daylight, in a Christian suburb of Beirut, his car blocked
mafia-style by another vehicle while his killer fired through the
driver's window into the head of Lebanon's minister of industry - was a
message for all of us who live in this tragic land.
For days, we had been debating whether it was time for another
political murder to ratchet up the sectarian tensions now that the
democratically elected government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora was
about to fall. For days now, the political language of Lebanon had been
incendiary, the threats and bullying of the political leaders ever more
fearsome. Sayed Hassan Nasrallah, the Shia Hizbollah leader, had been
calling Siniora's cabinet illegitimate. "The government of Feltman," he
was calling it - Jeffrey Feltman is the US ambassador to Lebanon -
while the Druze leader Walid Jumblatt was claiming Iran was trying to
take over.
Yesterday's assassination of Pierre Gemayel was a warning. It might
have been Jumblatt, who has told me many times that he constantly
awaits his own death, or it might have been Siniora himself, the little
economist and friend of the also murdered former prime minister Rafik
Hariri.
But no. Gemayel, son of ex-president Amin Gemayel and nephew of the
murdered president-elect, Bashir Gemayel - murder tends to run in the
family in Lebanon - was no charismatic figure, just a hard-working
unmarried Christian Maronite minister whose unrewarding task had been
to call émigré Lebanese home to rebuild their country
after Israel's bloody bombardment.
The fires burnt in the streets of Christian east Beirut last night and
there were hundreds of young and occasionally armed young men in the
neighbourhood of Jdeideh, where Gemayel was killed. "I want no
revenge," his father Amin pleaded in front of the hospital where his
body lay. But violence crackles through the air in a city where four
anti-Syrian politicians and journalists have been assassinated in 21
months.
Gemayel, too, was a harsh critic of Syria, which was one reason why
Hariri's son Saad - leader of the March 14th movement which controls
parliament - blamed Damascus for his death.
Yet nothing happens by accident in Lebanon and political detectives -
as opposed to the police kind who most assuredly will not find
Gemayel's killers - have to look beyond this country's frontiers to
understand why ghosts may soon climb out of the mass graves of the
civil war.
Why did Gemayel die just hours after Syria announced the restoration of
diplomatic relations with Iraq after a quarter of a century? Why has
Nasrallah threatened street demonstrations in Beirut to bring down the
government when Siniora's cabinet had just accepted the UN's tribunal
to try Hariri's assassins?
And why did America's UN ambassador, John Bolton, weep crocodile tears
for Lebanon's democracy - which he cared so little about when Israel
smashed into Lebanon this summer - without mentioning Syria?
All this, of course, takes place as thousands of Western troops pour
into Lebanon to shore up the UN force in the south of the country: UN
troops who are supposed to protect Israel (which they cannot do) and
disarm Hizbollah (which they will not do) and who are already being
threatened by al-Qa'ida.
No wonder the Europeans, whose armoured Nato forces now lie trapped in
the south of the country, are so fearful. No wonder the Foreign Office
has been telling Britons to stay away. No wonder Tony Blair - as
discredited in the Middle East as he is in Britain - has been demanding
an inquiry into Gemayel's assassination, something he will not get.
Hypocrisy isn't the word for it, though recent history provides all the
clues. When Hizbollah captured two Israeli soldiers and killed three on
12 July, Israel bombed Lebanon for 34 days, slaughtered more than a
thousand civilians and caused billions of dollars of damage. It blamed
Siniora's government and Mr Bolton and his fellow American diplomats
did nothing to help the hapless prime minister. President George Bush
wanted Israel to destroy Hizbollah - which they totally failed to do -
as a warning to his latest Middle East target, which just happens to be
Hizbollah's principal supporter, Iran. So much for Lebanese democracy.
Even Mr Blair, so anxious about Lebanon yesterday, saw no reason for an
immediate ceasefire.
In the aftermath of the war and the failure of all Israel's war aims,
Sayed Nasrallah began to boast that he had won a "divine victory" and
that Siniora's government had failed. Hizbollah, of course, is also
Syria's friend and no one was surprised that the anti-Syrian government
came under the lash of the Shia prelate whose giant billboard posters
across Lebanon suggest he is suffering the cult of personality.
Twelve days ago, all six Shia ministers left the cabinet, leaving the
largest religious sect in Lebanon unrepresented in government. Last
Monday, Siniora's government - Gemayel included - approved the UN's
plans for a tribunal to try Hariri's killers, whom most Lebanese
suspect were working for the Syrians. But without the presence of the
Shia, their decision may have no legal status. Nasrallah began to call
for street demonstrations.
If he is the creature of Syria and Iran - and the Lebanese are still
debating this while Nasrallah denies it - there could have been no
better way of striking at Lebanon's anti-Syrian government. "We can
have no confidence in this government because it obeys the orders of
the US administration," Nasrallah announced. "... the cabinet has
received an order from the US embassy assuring them that American
policy in the region has not changed. The Americans told them: 'We are
with you - don't give up!'"
Nasrallah chided those who claimed he was trying to create a crisis
between Shia and Sunni Muslims, although many fear that their own
religious divisions reflect, in faint and phantom form, the
blood-drenched sectarianism of Iraq.
And does America really support Siniora, whose cabinet may now be in
its death throes? At the UN, Mr Bolton loudly supported it yesterday
while desperately avoiding the use of the word Syria. That almost
certainly means Washington does at last realise that it will need the
help of Damascus - as well as Tehran - to pull its tanks and troops out
of the slough of Iraq.
Beside America's catastrophe in Mesopotamia, the democracy of Lebanon
and Siniora's government doesn't amount to the proverbial hill of beans
- as Syria and Iran are well aware. And Syria, yesterday, resumed
diplomatic relations with the American-supported government of Iraq.
Today, Lebanon celebrates - it would be difficult to find a more
lugubrious word on such an occasion - its 63rd year of independence
from France, whose troops again patrol southern Lebanon. And Siniora's
government still - just - exists. With Gemayel gone, however, it would
only need the loss of two more cabinet ministers to destroy the
legitimacy of his Shia-less cabinet and close down Lebanese democracy.
The Lebanese may be too mature for another civil war. But ministers
might be well advised to avoid driving their ministerial cars along the
highways of Beirut for the next few days lest someone blocks their way
and fires through the driver's window.
© 2006 Independent News and Media Limited
_______________
G.
from TruthOut :
24 November 2006
http://www.truthout.org
New video and photographic evidence that puts
three senior CIA operatives at the scene of Robert Kennedy's
assassination has been brought to light. The evidence was shown in a
report by Shane O'Sullivan, broadcast on BBC Newsnight. It reveals that
the operatives and four unidentified associates were at the Ambassador
Hotel, Los Angeles in the moments before and after the shooting on 5
June, 1968.
_______________
H.
from Robert Fisk :
23 November 2006
Information Clearing
House
Gemayel's mourners know that
in Lebanon nothing is what it seems
by Robert Fisk
In
the house of mourning, an old Lebanese home of cut stone, they did not
show Pierre Gemayel's body. They had sealed the lid - so terribly
damaged was his face by the bullets which killed him - as if the
nightmares of Lebanon might thus be kept away in the darkness of the
grave.
But the Maronites and Greek Orthodox, the Druze and - yes - the Muslims
who came to pay their condolences to Gemayel's wife, Patricia, and his
broken father, Amin, wept copiously beside the flag-draped casket. They
understood the horrors that could unfold in the coming days and their
dignity was a refusal to accept that possibility.
Down in Beirut, I had been watching the Lebanese detectives - they who
had never solved a single one of Lebanon's multitude of political
murders - photographing the bullet holes in the pale blue Kia car which
Gemayel had been driving, 13 rounds through the driver's window, six of
which had broken out through the passenger door after tearing through
the Lebanese Minister of Industry's head and that of his bodyguard. But
in the family home town of Bikfaya, mountain cold with fir trees and
off-season roses and new Phalangist banners of triangular cedars, the
black huddle of mourners spoke of legal punishment rather than revenge
for Gemayel's murder.
It was a heartening moment. And who would have imagined the day - back
in the civil war that now haunts us all again - that the Druze could
enter this holiest of holies in safety and in friendship to express
their sorrow at the death of a man whose Uncle Bashir was the fiercest
and most brutal enemy of the Druze?
Bashir's best friend Massoud Ashkar, a militia officer in those dark
and terrible days, spoke movingly of the need for Lebanese unity and
for justice. "We know the Syrians killed people during the war," he
said to me. "We are waiting to find out who killed Sheikh Pierre. These
people wanted to restart a civil war. We must know who these people
are."
Ah, but there is perdition in such hopes. With the sadness of those who
still expect recovery when all such possibility has been taken away,
some of the local Christians gathered in the Beirut suburb of Jdeideh
where the three killers had blasted away their MP on Tuesday afternoon.
His car, Lebanese registration number 201881, the hood smashed upwards
where it had been rammed by the gunmen's Honda CRV at 3.35pm and its
rear still embedded in the van of a waterproofing company into which it
rolled when Gemayel died at the wheel, was photographed a hundred times
by the cops. They were watched silently by the men and women who, less
than 24 hours before, had not heard the silenced pistol which killed
him, and thought at first that the minister was the victim of a road
accident. No one would give their name, of course. You don't do that in
Lebanon now.
"I was asleep when I heard some very mild sounds, like gunshots but not
loud enough," a white-haired man told me on the balcony of the old
family home where he was born. "Then I heard a crash and several real
gunshots. I got up, put on my clothes but didn't see any gunmen. A
neighbour went over and came back and told me it was Sheikh Pierre and
then I saw him carried from his car covered in blood and put in the
back of a van."
Scarcely an hour earlier, Pierre Gemayel had been up in Bikfaya, only
200 metres from where his body lay yesterday, honouring the ominous
statue of his grandfather - also Pierre - who had founded the
Phalangist party which his grandson represented in parliament.
No one mentioned, of course, that this same old granddad Gemayel, a
humble football coach, had created the Phalangists as a paramilitary
organisation after being inspired - so he told me himself before he
died in 1984 - by his visit to the 1936 Nazi Olympics in Hitler's
Germany. As usual, such uneasy details had long ago been wiped from the
narrative of Lebanese history - and from our journalistic accounts of
the grandson's death this week.
Pierre Gemayel Jnr, however, had been an earnest MP as the witness to
his death made clear. "You see that house over there with the awnings?"
he asked me. "Well an old lady had died there and Sheikh Pierre was
coming here to express his condolences to the family." The dead woman's
home was scarcely 30 metres from where Gemayel's car had come to rest.
He must have been slowing down to turn into the side road. Everyone
here knew he was coming to the house on Tuesday morning, so the
neighbours said, which meant - although they did not say this, of
course - that he had been betrayed. The murderers were waiting for the
good MP to pay his condolences, knowing that the man's own family would
be receiving condolences themselves a day later. They didn't even wear
face masks and coldly shot a shopkeeper who saw them.
The Lebanese have been responding to the international outcry over
Gemayel's murder with somewhat less rhetoric than President George
Bush, whose promise "to support the Siniora government and its
democracy" was greeted with the scorn it deserved. This, after all, was
the same George Bush who had watched in silence this summer as the
Israelis abused Siniora's democratic government and bombed Lebanon for
34 days, killing more than a thousand of its civilians. And the
Lebanese knew what to make of Tony Blair's remark - he who also delayed
a ceasefire that would have saved countless lives here - when he said
that "we need to do everything we can to protect democracy in Lebanon".
It was a long-retired Christian militiaman, a rival of the Gemayel
clan, who put it succinctly. "They don't care a damn about us," he
said.
That little matter of the narrative - and who writes it - remained a
problem yesterday, as the Western powers pointed their fingers at
Syria. Yes, all five leading Lebanese men murdered in the past 20
months were anti-Syrian. And it's a bit like saying "the butler did
it". Wouldn't a vengeful Syria strike at the independence of Lebanon by
killing a minister? Yes. But then, what would be the best way of
undermining the new and boastful power of the pro-Syrian Hizbollah, the
Shia guerrilla army which has demanded the resignation of Siniora's
cabinet? By killing a government minister, knowing that many Lebanese
would blame the murder on Syria's Hizbollah allies?
Living in Lebanon, you learn these semantic tricks through a kind of
looking glass. Nothing here ever happens by accident. But whatever does
happen is never quite like what you first think it to be. So the
Lebanese at Bikfaya understood yesterday as they gathered and talked of
unity. For if only the Lebanese stopped putting their faith in
foreigners - the Americans, the Israelis, the British, the Iranians,
the French, the United Nations - and trusted each other instead, they
would banish the nightmares of civil war sealed inside Pierre Gemayel's
coffin.
Assassination timeline
22 November 2006
PM Fouad Siniora asks UN to help investigate Pierre Gemayel's death.
21 November
Gemayel is shot as his convoy drives through Beirut, raising fears of
civil war.
11 November
Five pro-Syrian Shia ministers resign after collapse of talks on giving
their camp more say in government.
31 October
Hizbollah's leader, Hassan Nasrallah, vows peaceful protests demanding
elections unless there is a national unity government.
12 July 14 August
Hizbollah captures two Israeli soldiers. At least 1,200 Lebanese and
157 Israelis are killed in conflict.
12 December 2005
Gebran Tueni, anti-Syrian MP and journalist, is killed.
12 October
Ghazi Kanaan, Syria's interior minister, "commits suicide" as UN
investigates.
21 June
George Hawi, anti-Syrian ex-Communist leader, is killed.
19 June
Anti-Syrian alliance led by Hariri's son, Saad, wins poll.
June 2
Samir Kassir, anti-Syrian journalist, is killed.
26 April
Syrian troops leave Lebanon.
14 February
Rafik Hariri, former prime minister, and 22 others are killed by truck
bomb.