Bulletin N° 763
Subject : THE CAPITALIST POLITICAL ECONOMY
AS A ‘FOOD CHAIN,’ WHICH ONLY THE WORKING CLASS CAN UNDERSTAND COMPLETELY.
1 September 2017
Grenoble, France
Dear Colleagues and Friends of CEIMSA,
As the summer drew to an end and capitalist
contradictions deepened, I completed the first volume of Peter Weiss’ novel, The Aesthetics of Resistance. Written in
the style of a James Joycean stream of consciousness,
Weiss’s work falls under the rubric of ‘proletarian literature,’ reflecting the
unremitting reality of class domination, with all the necessary human sacrifices
performed in order to make the system work. In the opening pages, the author
describes how quality education is withheld from workers to the point that most
do not even know what they are missing, and if they gain an inkling of an idea,
they immediately assume that they are not fit to undertake the activity. Most
are unable to even open a book.
Weiss celebrates the power of the imagination and
seeks - like the classic hero of Greek mythology, Heracles - to defend the
udowntrodden by any means that will produce justice. The setting of his
intellectual odyssey is Hitler’s Germany and the Spanish Civil War. Two recurring
questions in Weiss’s novel are: Why do the oppressed collaborate with their
oppressors? and What prevents acts of resistance from
developing into full-scale revolution?
The scientific knowledge withheld from workers
serves to keep them mystified and passive within the system of class
domination. They are made to feel their inadequacy, and little more. From time
to time Weiss enters into a description of the aesthetics of the relationship
of domination/submission between the classes in what we call ‘civilization.’
The book reflects the mental life of a working-class teenager living in Germany
at the moment of the Nazi seizure of power. The unnamed narrator has two
teenage friends, Heilmann and Coppi;
all three of these young men are autodidacts, studying art history, and their
working-class families encourage them in their intellectual pursuits to
appropriate the knowledge that has been withheld from the working class and which by
necessity they must reframe in a class-conscious context, the only context intelligible for their
purposes, given the conditions of their lives under fascist capitalism.
The
gap between the classes was a gap between diverse realms of understanding. The
world was the same for both, the same stars could be seen, yet separated from
the servants, the untutored, there was knowledge that did not alter things
themselves but gave them additional values and functions to be used by the
insiders. The man who believed that the earth was a disk surrounded by a
torrent of Okeanos, from which the lamps of the gods
were withdrawn at night, the man who believed that Selene with her brightening
and darkening moon-mirror dictated the lightness and gravity of coming events
and that Poseidon blew the waves to the shores and hurled lightning from the
clouds at seafarers, that man would not venture abroad on his own, but he had
to entrust himself to protection by the leaders and the armed men. Wood, fire,
wheat, minerals, and metals looked the same in the eyes of those who worked
things with tools and those who received the products and harvests, but the
advantage enjoyed by these recipients was that they could already calculate the
net profit, for they owned the ground that yielded the desired things and owned
the market for selling them. The slave held the heavy chuck of ore in one hand
and the light leaf in the other, he saw veins and the glitter of grains and
stripes, the thin tissue had been broken from the branch, the fragment had been
removed from the split rock, the light, which the lord of the land also saw,
played upon the ore, but he knew that matter was composed of infinitesimal
particles, the atoms, which, in a wide variety of characteristics and
attributes, gave every phenomenon its shape. Whenever he walked across the same
soil as his underling, peering across the vast rondure,
with its hills, its flocks of cranes, and the hazy mountain crests, he, the
lord, was aware of utterly different proportions than the cottager. Driven by
the urge to understand what he needed, he had stepped into the four-dimensional
concept of space; after curving the plane of the earth, finding its roundness,
gaining the possibility of returning to the starting point by following a
straight line, and thereby discovering that he was located in infinity, on a rotating
sphere, which, together with other spheres, revolved around the sun, the lord
had added the relationship with time to his thinking. Lying stretched out, in
the clear night on the Aegean Sea, in Egypt, mapping the position of the stars
on the celestial chart, learning the rules by which the moonlight waned and
waxed, he established his calendar, precisely reckoning the length of the
earth’s rotation, the time it took the moon to circle the earth, the earth to
orbit around the sun, and the participation of the sun, with its planets, in
the system of the millions of stars, which altogether, an utterly remote and
milky concentration, formed a gigantic ring with which the infinite closed
itself up. Just as he understood what he needed, so too the simplest explanation
was the true one. Earlier it had been simple and true
that the gods had created the world with all its life, but after forging across
the mountains and oceans and extending his view aloft, he was no longer dizzied
by the thought that the earth, left alone by the gods, was flying with him
through the universe. From a well in Egypt’s Syene he
took bearings of the sun at its zenith. The string of the plumb bob transmitted
the line that could be drawn from the fiery star to the center of the earth. Since
by measuring he knew that the rays of the sun were parallel when hitting the
earth, an angle had to emerge between the ray falling at the same time in
Alexandria to the north and the vertical line he had set. With the aid of this
angle and the distance between the two places, he could find the degree of the
curvature of the earth and then its circumference, almost down to the exact
kilometer. However, just as here, in the valley basin, in the olive plantation,
he kept the reasons for the lunar darkening, the solar eclipse, ebb and flow,
thunderstorms and rainfall to himself, so to he never let on that masses of
primal matter had once torn loose from the universe and linked up in the void,
that worlds had been created and destroyed by collisions before the fiery lump
of the earth crusted over, the flaming storms were snuffed, the continents
ascended from the boiling water, and the first fishlike creatures developed in
the slime, ultimately producing human beings. The dynamics of the whole thing,
it was said when people asked about the purpose of existence, was the law of
necessity, and anyone who recognized this law also mastered it with his free
will. The action of the freeness was solely an abiding by necessity. Driven to
increase his possessions, he explored the earth all the way to the icy isle of
Thule in the north and southward all the way to the African cape, westward
beyond the Pillars of Heracles and eastward to the widely branching flow of the
Ganges, while the peasant, measuring clumsily, paced off his scrap of
farmland. The bound man sat on the thwart down in the galley, all he had was
the unvarying forward bend and the brief hard backward bounce to the slave
driver’s drumbeat, the navigator on deck possessed the vast reaches of the sea
with its currents, monsoons, and trade winds, which he harnessed on his
cyclical voyages, locating his whereabouts by the constellations. For the unfree man there was never anything but what was
immediately before him, and all his efforts had to be used up to cope with it.
For the free man there was always the suspense of the new, he mapped coastlines
and geographic formations, located seaways, strikes of raw materials,
opportunities for trading. The people condemned to servitude rapidly withered
in the monotony, but he, who had initiative and variety, grew younger. He did
not, amid the masses conducted by the priests, need to pray for being saved
from illness, for healing, the physicians had spelled out the workings of the
organs, the pulse, the nerves, the circulation of blood and prepared all sorts
of medicaments for him. The have-nots made sacrifices on their altars to the
gods of fertility and weather, of the lower and upper regions of the world,
deities whom their ruler barely knew by name, and the purpose of the offerings
was to move the deities to let them have a sliver of the abundance. The
well-to-do could attain anything they desired, with minted money, with banks,
with expeditionary troops. Their philosophers found that the giving and taking
, the continual counteracting and interacting was consistent with the essence
of all living things, every object was formed by compounding and separating, by
thinning and thickening, by attracting and repulsing, there was no matter that
did not consist of pairs of opposites. Just as knowing the world meant
controlling it, so too control was bound up with the right to power and
violence. With their filled silos, their laden freighters, their country
villas, palaces, and art treasures, the entrepreneurs demonstrated the correctness
of their actions. They stood on the side of progress, they doled out the work,
they called for whomever they needed, they dismissed whoever no longer suited
them, they started workshops and manufactories, they sped up the production of
skins for writing after the competing Egyptian authorities outlawed the export
of papyrus, they developed the technique of dyeing sheep’s wool; Weavers,
tailors, sandal makers, and blacksmiths worked for them, their caravans brought
back ivory, jade, silk, and porcelain from China, spices, perfumes, slaves and
pearls from India; For their shipyards they had the workers haul timber from
the high forests, they had them extract copper and iron ore, gold and silver
form the mines, tend the herds of cattle, raise horses, and bring the grain and
wheat, so that this agricultural profusion earned their’ country the rank of
the granary of Asia Minor. That, said Coppi, was when
they gained their advantage over us, which keeps confronting us with the fact
that everything we produce is utilized way over our heads and that it trickles
down to us, if at all attainable, from up there, just as work is said to be
given to us. If we want to take on art, literature, we have to treat them
against the grain, that is, we have to eliminate all the concomitant privileges
and project our own demands into them. In order to come to ourselves, said Heilmann, we have to re-create not only culture but also
all science and scholarship by relating them to our concerns. We have stated
common knowledge about the shape of our planet and its position in the
universe, but for us there is something odd about this simple lore. When we say
the world is round and turns on its own axis, we are confirming that there are
haves and have-nots. If we state principles of physical orders, they involve
the division of labor into doers and drivers, a split as old a science.
Whenever the image of the world as established by ancient scientists is taken
over in its full scope, it always expresses the tie to the existing rules of
social conditions. Only by realizing that we are on a rotating sphere and by a
forgetting all the connected things that are taken for granted can we grasp the
horrors that mold our thinking. Two thousand years had elapsed since the
highest stage of the Pergamene Imperium,
yet nearly one century after the Manifesto the rulers, whom we had
always helped to bring to power, still claimed all discoveries for themselves.
Decay was already seeping in, but so huge still were the superior strength of
the idea of being chosen and the commandment of subordination that nothing
could as yet make the workers understand that it was they who carried every
advance to the next phase of society. On the mountains over the fruitful fields
of Mysia, over the hustle and bustle of the port of
Elea, the nobles in the castle devoted themselves to their skills, the
fundamental questions about the mechanics of the world were clarified, the
government watched over the interplay of exploitation and profit, the business
was conducted by specialists, the governors had subaltern bureaucrats and
functionaries, who made sure the production quotas were met, the rents
collected from the small landowners, the taxes levied in the villages, often
under the pressure of troops from the garrisons, the town councils ensured the
order in the towns, foreign politics was conducted by the Supreme Council, and
in the courts, halls, and covered walks of the gymnasium, originally built to
train the youths for military service, teachers and pupils could focus
undisturbed on the disciplines that next to solidity and rigorous organization
were inexhaustible, epics, elegiac and lyrical poetry, painting and sculpture,
music, dance, and drama, singing and calligraphy. To haul art down to us, we
had to head for the peak encircled by dazzling white walls and lined with
cypresses and flower beds, the mountain top where art led a life of its own.
The directors of the academies dubbed themselves skeptics, for their task was
to examine, to mull and doubt, and they bore the honorary title of critic
because they took on nothing without analyzing it and subjecting it to change.
On the basis of their authority in the ruling world they could question
everything they dealt with, they could forge ahead into previously unknown
intellectual regions because the ground they were on was stabilized and systematized And when we stand next to a
self-perfected man like Crates, said Heilmann, in his
customized park and listen to him defining the features of language, we can jot
down his very last word, and he opened his notebook under the kitchen lamp.
Literary criticism, according to Crates, had three tasks, first of all, to test
diction, syntax, and sentence articulation, secondly, to evaluate phonetics,
idioms, style, and figures, and thirdly to make a historical assessment of the
ideas and images used. For him and his school, linguistic qualities could be
ascertained only if all obscurities found their rational explanations, so that
every statement was compared with empirical observation and practical experience. The boundaries of conception were widened on the
basis of logic, and beauty was attributed to anything that had found name and
form out of the unknown. Hence understanding was always given priority over the
sensation of the marvelous; art was a science like
geometry and statics. Thus the sages at the court of Pergamum acted on the same
perspectives established by the early naturalists, everything they found was
weighed in terms of its usability;, they set rules that still held sway two
thousand years later, they served the further evolution of the intellect,
thereby also serving those who permitted its development. This kingdom of the
mind had sprung up by means of violence, every utterance of art,
the philosophy was grounded in violence. And the grander and more sublime the
creation, the more furious the reign of brutality had been. The heyday of the Pergamene Kiingdom lasted for
only a few short decades, and it had been preceded by one a century of unabated
warfare. This was the pattern still inherent in most polities today. The laws
of the ancient slaveholding society were still in effect. All revolts
notwithstanding, the majority of the populace still had to take the field for
the elite. More than two thousand years had passed since the conscripted farm
boys, the prisoners captured during the military operations had been driven the
length and breadth of Asia Minor by their respective commanders, bleeding to
death in battles that led to the ruin of one usurper, the rise of the other.
Only twenty years ago, our fathers had returned from their massacres, and
minuscule was the period since the October when the signal had been given for a
fresh start after the long history of murder. The superiors had always asserted
their rights, and they had always insisted on their hegemony until they were
replaced by other powerful men, and we had never managed to get beyond buckling
and submitting, and once again we faced a burgeoning tyranny that we had not seen
coming. In our sealed-off kitchen, we pictured the continent as Alexander had
left it, with its Greek settlements, its mix of nations;, its fortresses, where
the generals who had conquered the empire for their ruler now administered
their own kingdoms, having switched from partners to adversaries, jealously
pressing to expand territories, siccing their troops
on one another, from Macedonia, from Thrace, Bithynia, and Pontus, from
Cappadocia, Babylonia, Syria, and Egypt. The lands of the Diadochi
lay on the bare surface of the table, Coppi sat
leaning back in front of the Hellespont, from where Lysimachus, former
bodyguard to the army commander, had thrust southward, along the Aegean coast,
and installed Philetaerus, a young captain from Tius on the Black Sea, as governor of Pergamun.
Coppi’s mother bent over the Taurun
Mountains, which formed the northern border of the realm of Seleucus,
king of Babylon, Heilmann’s hand slid up from
Alexandria, the seat of Ptolemy, across the sea, toward the center that was to
become the residence of the Attalids. Assigned to
build up the garrison and protect the work of the governors, Philetaerus promptly realized the possibilities afforded
him by his authority, instead of serving Lysimachus he now wished to challenge
his monopoly. He took the money box stored in the mountain tower, its nine
thousand talents equal to thirty-two million gold marks, and he instantly
invested funds to concentrate forces from all regions for shielding his
venture. Who cares about demands, he could ask when his ruined boss reminded
him of the obligations he had agreed to. No dangers threatened Philetaerus form that source, and with Seleucus,
his southern competitor, he entered into an alliance based on mutual respect so
long as the balance of the military potential could be maintained. This was
styled a friendship treaty, and according to the terminology of the market
administration he established a protectorship over
the coastal cities, which had regained some of their earlier freedoms after
Alexander’s routing of the Persians. The catchwords verbalized by the great
conqueror, who claimed that he meant to restore democracy and that Greeks had
precedence over all other races, suited the polis just fine. During his
ten-year march across the Asian interior, where he established military bases
all the way to the Indus, naming them after himself, and did likewise with
fortified colonization sites for specially tax-privileged merchants, the
Alexandrian slogans changed. In order to unify the empire he had grabbed in his
boundlessness and his passion for fame, he had to forswear racial
discrimination. Now, reconciliation was the catchword, a melding of West and
East, community and unity, and yet this spelled nothing but an insatiable need
for victorious battles, for enemy potentates slain and tortured to death, for
captives to be used as slaves, as army reinforcements, for women given to
officers and meritorious soldiers. Supposedly Alexander saw the light before
his untimely death and was well-nigh stricken with humility, but what really
struck him was intense hysteria, which erupted regularly with mutinies of
impatient troops. In a cadence not attained by even the corporal who was now
trying to climb to the rank of world ruler, Alexander drew the doubters, the
exhausted back to his side by promising them anything. Had the fever not
snatched him away at thirty, he would, after a time of raging, have perished in
his gigantic, untenable, ubiquitously crumbling structure. He left behind
chaos, ruins, and hostility. Reared in the spirit of graft, Philetaerus
granted privileges to the landowners and merchants, whose support he initially
required, the latifundia could be expanded, the
warehouses had free access to the colonial goods, for a while the citizens
could gorge themselves, the tributes and rentals were collected from tenant
farmers, craftsmen, and workers. For the inhabitants of coastal cities, which
had previously been sucked dry by a Spartan or Athenian military junta, a
Lydian king, a Macedonian, Thracian, Rhodian admiral,
a period of economic prosperity seemed to be heralded by the founding the Pergamene Kingdom, and it was in the interest of those
coastal dwellers for the regent in the acropolis to surround himself with glamour and prestige, for the more portentous he made
himself the more he was respected by the neighboring empires. It dawned on
nobody as yet that he was depriving the polis of more and more clout. The
walled cities still had the class division between citizens, foreigners,
soldiers, freemen, and private, public, and imperial slaves; the citizens had a
say in the seemingly democratic government, practiced by the legislative
assemblies of the House of Representatives and the Council, the members of the Municipal Council could be elected by the people. Alien
mercenaries who had proven their loyalty to the army obtained citizenship,
lands were distributed to officers, arable patches to soldiers who had
distinguished themselves in combat, the transition from the society of Greek city states to the absolute
Hellenistic monarchy occurred in the education of a broader propertied stratum
that had an interest in maintaining its cultivated grain, its cattle and
orchards. A national feeling was thus developed by a prudent Philetaerus,
who had aroused the willingness to undertake an armed defense of the state. (pp.32-37)
The anonymous narrator carried his proletarian
understanding of western civilization to Spain with him when he left his
family and comrades in Berlin to fight in the International Brigade against
Fascism. Once there, he imagined the historic arrival of the great Greek merchant ships
on the southern coast of Spain in the 6th century B.C. and the Punic
Wars fought on this same land between the super powers of Carthage and Rome in the 3rd
century B.C. The history, as always, is one of class struggle and ruling class conquest.
The concept of Greek civilization had usually been appreciated as the idea of supreme cultural development. But this idea would have been nothing without its stable foundation. At the top the thought of democracy emerged, the doctrine of the unity and equality of human beings. At the bottom the maltreated laborers, kept away from all rights. The artistic sculptures and the buildings with columns, all commissioned by the propertied classes, were carried by hecatombs of chained bodies. The noble proportions could detach themselves from dankness and putrescence. The patriarchs bluntly established the separation, which was the prerequisite for their economic system. The priests and the philosophers validated themselves in this order, making sure that the masses were kept in check by superstitious dread, anyone who so much as dared to articulate a word of enlightenment was expelled. Slaveholders and slaves, the former allied with supernatural powers, glorifying their thievery in poetry, the latter, existing only as beasts, as living tools, jointly they formed the two-part structure that we were still struggling to dismantle today. Greek civilization rested on unspeakable plundering, wars were ceaselessly fought to conquer slaves, and it was supposed to be a great boon for the rounded-up creatures to be allowed to serve such exquisite masters. The Hellenic market economy grew out of arrogance and brutality, racism and cynicism, in the harshest rivalries between the city-states, competing internally for the highest profits. With its four harbors, Miletus, the most populous city in the Near East, controlled the Aegean commerce, in its expansion the metropolis cut the smaller fortified towns off from any access to the sea. Military campaigns had devastated the farmlands, the young men were forced to hire themselves out to the armies, and the large landowners in the coastal areas had to look for new lines of production. In Phocaea, on the Bay of Hermos, the constriction provoked a readjustment from agrarian to maritime thinking, the entrepreneurs, who had never before ventured out to sea, who had been content to steal cattle and loot neighboring villages, were now lured by the accounts of foreign sailors to build ships of their own for bringing cargoes from very distant climes. Their distress, transformed into boldness, was reflected in the construction of the vessels, with which they outdid anything created by Phoenician technology. More than a thousand rowers, on three levels, a machinery, directed by the beat of the drum, drove the ship forward, on deck the merchants lay in tents, overcoming their seasickness, by looking forward to all the treasurers they would acquire. Down below, an incessant crunching and creaking, up above, at the command post, a gauging, measuring, calculating. Swift as an arrow, its ruddy sail belling in the wind, the oars striking down, sweeping up, spraying drops, the galley, with its ram bow thrusting far ahead, sliced through the water, the crew raiding every foreign ship that crossed its path. For the shipbuilders of Phocaea, the superior position they had won soon became their hubris . . . . (pp.284-285)
The poetic license used in this unusual novel
reveals the ambiguities and confusions that are encountered in everyday life.
The cultural richness of the internal life of the narrator prepares
him to attempt to rationally understand the relationships he encounters in his
voyage through 20th century capitalism. His consciousness is not
that of a petty bourgeois opportunist,
but rather that of a proletarian youth looking forward to a better future and
preparing to participate in its construction through class struggle and class
solidarity.
The 12 items below will help CEIMSA readers recognize the nefarious effect consumer culture is having on all of us. The complex classical culture, to which Marx referred frequently in his various writings, has been covered over with ubiquitous one-dimensional corporatist culture from Disneyland and McDonald's, and pornographic fantasies of omnipotence/total submission, and sadomasochistic relationships representing power for no more than its intrinsic value. Under such restraints, any stream of consciousness today would likely read as narcissistic graffiti, devoid of social content.
Sincerely,
Francis Feeley
Professor emeritus of
American Studies
University
Grenoble-Alpes
Director of Research
University of
Paris-Nanterre
Center for the Advanced
Study of American Institutions and Social Movements
The University of
California-San Diego
a.
http://therealnews.com/t2/story:19870:Another-Moment-in-the-Long-History-of-White-Reconstruction
Executive Producer Eddie Conway
speaks with Dylan Rodriguez, Professor of Media and Cultural Studies at UC
Riverside, about White Reconstruction, the false narrative that the term mass
incarceration creates, and more
===========
b.
Houston
Refinery Explosion Will Endanger Local Communities
http://therealnews.com/t2/story:19902:Houston-Refinery-Explosion-Will-Endanger-Local-Communities
As Harvey continues to
devastates the Gulf Coast, some fear the worst is yet
to come.
George Monbiot: We Can't Be Silent on Climate Change or the Unsustainability of Capitalist System
https://www.democracynow.org/2017/8/31/george_monbiot_we_cant_be_silent
===========
c.
Unworthy
Victims: Western Wars Have Killed Four Million Muslims Since
1990
http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/unworthy-victims-western-wars-have-killed-four-million-muslims-1990-39149394
by
Nafeez Ahmed
Last month, the Washington
DC-based Physicians for Social Responsibility (PRS) released a landmark study concluding
that the death toll from 10 years of the “War on Terror” since the 9/11 attacks
is at least 1.3 million, and could be as high as 2 million.
===========
d.
Trump and the
Dysfunctional American State
http://therealnews.com/t2/story:19845:Trump-and-the-Dysfunctional-American-State
===========
e.
Former financial
regulator Bill Black says Trump promised to "drain the swamp" but
instead filled his administration with Washington insiders and elite
billionaires like Carl Icahn
===========
f.
Its Color Revolution
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/47682.htm
===========
g.
The Murder of Seven
White Helmets in Syria
http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=767&Itemid=74&jumival=19889
The U.S.
State Department and an Al Qaeda affiliate in Syria join in condemning the
killing of seven White Helmet aid workers in Idlib
province. The White Helmets work with Al Qaeda, explains Max Blumenthal
===========
h. |
A Military Junta is Now Ruling the United States http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/47682.htm At the core
of Trump’s circle is a seasoned trio of generals with experience as
battlefield commanders. |
by Moon Of Alabama
According to a
1950s political theory The Structure of Power in American Society is
mainly built on three elite groups, the
high military, the corporation executives and the political directorate. (The
"political directorate" can best be described as the bureaucracy, the
CIA and their proxies within Congress.)
On election day I
noted that only the military had supported The Not-Hillary President. The
corporate and executive corners of the triangle had pushed for Hillary Clinton
and continued to do so even after Trump had won. (Only
recently did the "collusion with Russia" nonsense suddenly die down.)
I wrote:
The military will demand
its due beyond the three generals now in Trump's cabinet.
That turned out to
be right. A military junta is now ruling the
United States:
===========
i.
From: William Blum
Sent: Saturday, 26 August, 2017
Subject: Anti-Empire Report August 25, 2017
Anti-Empire Report
August 25, 2017
https://williamblum.org/aer/read/150
j.
From: Alan Grayson
Sent: Saturday, 26 August, 2017
Subject: Join The Resistance Movement
Dear Francis,
We need an organization dedicated to ending the Trump Administration.
So here it is. Welcome to the Resistance Movement!
Become
a Founding Member of our movement >>
We want Donald Trump indicted, or we want him impeached and convicted, or we want to force him
to resign. Any way it
happens, the Angry Creamsicle has got to go.
Right now, getting rid of Donald Trump is Issue 1, 2, 3, 4 and ∞. And we won’t stop
until he’s gone.
Help
make it happen – Dump Trump! >>
This is not an organization for people who have mixed feelings about Donald
Trump, or who worry about whether VP Pence would be better or worse, or are
willing to let Senate Republicans “investigate” Trump and leave it at
that. No. This is an organization for people who have decided
that TRUMP
MUST GO –
and are ready to take action to make that happen.
What kind of action? This kind of action:
· We will “crowdsource”
independent investigations of Donald Trump and his henchmen driven by whistleblowers,
and then feed that information to watchdogs and prosecutors who will punish,
indict or impeach.
· We will demand commitments from Democrats (and
sane Republicans) to block Trump appointments, orders and
legislation, and to impeach Trump if the Democrats take over Congress next
year.
· We will boycott Trump businesses,
and those of his family, allies and henchmen.
· We will make noise, particularly on our Days
of Resistance, the 20th of each month (inauguration anniversary).
· We will keep up the attacks through our
newsletter ‘The
Trump Dump’; network and share information at
LockHimUpNow.org; spread the word through social media; and ORGANIZE, ORGANIZE,
ORGANIZE.
We will fight
Trump every single day, until he is OUT.
Ready to get started?
Join me now at LockHimUpNow.org,
and follow The Resistance on Twitter and Facebook
Picture the Cheeto-in-Chief leaving the White House in
disgrace. And help us make it all
happen, together >>
Trump delenda est,
Alan Grayson
===========
k.
From: Richard Wolff
Sent: Tuesday, 29 August, 2017
Subject: "Economic
Update"
Dear
Friends,
It
is now 5.5 years that I have produced a weekly radio show, "Economic
Update." From its beginnings on New York City's WBAI to the current
listing of about 85 radio stations that regularly broadcast the program, it has
been primarily a radio show. Tomorrow at 8:30 PM Eastern Time that all changes
as we add a TV version of the show. We have signed a contract with Free Speech
TV that will bring the TV version to approximately 40 million receivers across
the US. With the help of a professional videographer and access to You Tube
studios in Manhattan, the FSTV version is a major upgrade in the program's
production values.
The
TV version is also available on Patreon.com, a remarkable fund-raising site
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